In this paper, the relation between Abe's course of life as 'a broker of the empire' since 1924 and Joseon's nationalistic movement was investigated. Abe tried to contact and appease influential figures of Joseon and induce them to conduct an autonomy movement, but ‘the autonomy group’ wasn't bought off and used by Abe one-sidedly. Abe may have thought that he could control autonomists and he did, but he ended up being controled by autonomists so that he propagated Joseon's assembly in Japan. Abe argued that the economic consolidation between Joseon and Japan should be reinforced and the nationalistic movement should be induced to capacity cultivation theory, and as the national revolution in China became intense, he came to believe that the establishment of 'Joseon's assembly' was the very way to engage the nationalistic movement power into the system and attempt the stability of the empire. However, Donga Ilbo Group and Choi Lin doubted the possibility of its realization in the situation where the public opinions of pros and cons of 'Joseon assembly' were in disagreement in Japanese political world even though the government-general agreed to Joseon's autonomy. In order to eliminate this suspicion, Abe led the establishment of Jungang Joseon Association, a colonial lobby organization, and tried to use it as a propaganda tool to advertise ‘Joseon assembly’ in Japan. On the other hand, Abe's engagement in the autonomy movement showed differences in the second autonomy movement from the third one. Since the end of 1926, with rapid changes in the domestic ruling environment surrounding the Japanese Government-General of Korea, such as the foundation of Shinganhoe and the rapid progress of Chinese national revolution, Abe suggested the establishment of Joseon assembly and its official announcement to Saito governor-general while worrying a lot about the impacts of the Chinese revolution on Joseon, and tried to cope actively with the second autonomy movement centered around Choi Lin and Donga Ilbo Group through Jungang Joseon Association. However, in the third autonomy movement, as the relationship between Saito governor-general and Kodama state affairs inspector general became weak and the Japanese Government-General of Korea suppressed students' movement in Gwangju cruelly, he interfered with the countermeasure to the students' movement in Gwangju rather than with the autonomy movement. Abe strongly blamed the harsh suppression by the police and argued generous measure, so he came to confront the government-general that was consistent in tough repression. The political advisor of the governor-general and 'secret influential figure’ came to criticize the governor-general. Furthermore, Jungang Joseon Association criticized harsh treatment including torture by police authorities, and conflicted with executives from the government-general. While ‘the plan for Joseon local assembly’ of the Japanese Government-General of Korea came to fail because of the opposition of the central government and he came into conflict with the government-general with regard to the measures to the students' movement in Gwangju, the influence of Abe, a typical power-pursuing person who earned his living by relying on authority, on Joseon society came to remarkably decline.